Researcher Bias and Stereotyping in the Study of Women in Film

Type “the study of women in film” into Google and in 0.6 seconds seven hundred forty-five million results will appear before you. From the perpetuation of gender stereotypes targeted at children through Disney films to the underrepresentation of ageing women in Hollywood, virtually every aspect of gender and its representation in Western culture has been studied. By comparison, searching for information regarding bias within that research yields less than a tenth of those results. The current research gap in this area makes it difficult to examine, however when looking at the research that does exist, it becomes apparent that the language used is filled with preexisting biases. The current social constructions of gender have heavily influenced the manner in which this research is conducted, and as a result, the outcomes of these studies are covertly affected. The following critical analysis examines how the use of sexist language, preexisting stereotypes, and biases work together to guide research of women in film.

Gender stereotyping begins early, this social construct encourages children to begin “performing” their genders before they are even capable of understanding what it means to be male or female (Steinke, 2005). Children begin creating gender schemas in early childhood through social interaction and by observing “gender-specific tasks”. The creation of these pathways is significant to the development of one’s gender identity, however, those pathways are also the point of origin for gender stereotypes. In a 2010 study, researchers looked at how films play an active role in developing and perpetuating gender stereotypes. A content analysis was conducted to observe the portrayal of gender in popular children’s films. 110 G-rated films were analysed to observe how gender is related to the depiction of traditional norms in parenting and romantic relationships. Characters were examined based on age, apparent ethnicity, and occupation. Results showed that female characters were significantly underrepresented, accounting for only 28% of the characters across all the films analyzed. It was found that female characters were more likely to be depicted as intelligent and having good motives, whereas males were more likely to be shown as strong and funny. Additionally, it was found that sexual double standards are also present in children’s movies as female characters were two times more likely than male characters to be involved in a romantic relationship. These double standards become even more apparent when shifting the focus specifically to Disney films.

England, Descartes, and Collier-Meek (2011) examined the portrayal of gender roles in Disney Princess movies beginning with Snow White and the Seven Dwarves (1937) and ending with The Princess and The Frog (2009). The analysis focused on the shifting of gender role portrayal during this time. Disney has historically been known for its encouragement of gender stereotypes, and the 2011 study displayed this fact in its findings. The study examined characters by placing them into predefined categories. This categorization is often necessary to collect data regarding characters in this type of research, however, in many studies on this topic, this categorization process itself is rooted in gender bias. In this study, for example, researchers analyzed male characters by examining traits such as physical strength, assertiveness, how unemotional they appear, independence, bravery, leadership abilities, etc. Female characters, however, were examined for things like how affectionate they appear, sensitivity, helpfulness, fearfulness, and whether or not they ask for help. While the characteristics described above are “typical” of distinctive “masculine” and “feminine” traits, this categorization of gender subscribes to the gender norm ideals that the study itself is attempting to expose. By categorizing the examined traits in this way, data was not collected on how brave or independent female character's appeared. Instead, data was only collected on the display of "typical" feminine traits, thereby entirely dismissing the possibility that other gender roles might also be present in these films.

Lauzen and Dozier, conducted an in-depth analysis of the top 100 grossing films of 2002 to examine how men and women of different ages were represented, and how the character’s overall role changed as the characters aged. The characters were closely examined based on gender, whether or not they were a major or minor character, age, leadership, power within their occupations, goals, and how effective the character was in achieving their goals. Each character was sorted into categories representing their age, occupational status and leadership status. The character’s occupations were categorized by, what the researchers deemed as their “level of power”; for example, unemployed characters were classified as having “no power”. The goals of the characters were examined by their abilities to achieve those goals throughout the course of the film. Through their analysis, Lauzen and Dozier found that women were severely underrepresented as they accounted for only 28% of all characters in the examined films. When examining the ages of the characters, researchers found that men in their 30’s and 40’s and women in their 20’s and 30’s were overrepresented; all other age groups for both genders were underrepresented. In examining the interaction between gender and age, it was found that leadership roles and age were positively correlated for male characters. However, for women, they were negatively correlated. The same was true for female characters regarding goals; as the characters aged, the presence of goals decreased dramatically. However, for male characters, the presence of goals remained the same across age groups. This study brings attention to important matters surrounding the portrayal of women in film, for example, the emphasis placed on the visibility of young women is incredibly indicative of how ageing women are seen both in Hollywood and in society overall. However, the structure of this analysis appears to play into biases surrounding traditional “women’s work”. When the researchers were examining the occupations of the character’s, they categorized the types of work by “power level”. Those classified as having “no power” were unemployed characters, those seeking employment, students, and household occupations (2005). The latter two were positions held entirely by female characters. The classification of household occupations as “powerless” only works to reinforce the idea that women who choose to work within the home are submissive to their working partners and are controlled by them. Researchers could have formulated this category around the characters ability to negotiate, or resolve conflict, but instead, they focused on the connection between “work” and “dominance”. This type of classification does not allow for characters who work within the home to be seen as leaders and will disproportionately affect the results of the relationship between female characters and leadership.

In a study conducted to examine how female characters that work outside the home are portrayed, Ezzedeen found that “career women” were negatively received by audiences. The purpose of her study was to observe how negative and stereotyped depictions of women with careers were displayed in films, and how those depictions affect the current climate of women in the workplace today. The researcher examined 165 career women across 137 films and examined their behaviour in search of negative characteristics. She found that overall, “career women” in films are portrayed as mean with “conniving personalities”. The study also states that other negative characteristics were found including promiscuity, isolation, failures at intimacy and the lack of ability to successfully balance work and family. While the study itself makes some interesting observations regarding the common stereotypes surrounding the perception of professional women, some of the language used and behaviours classified as “negative” in the analysis are remarkably gender-biased. The fact that characteristics such as sexual promiscuity and being single (isolation) are seen as negatives in the context of this study demonstrates its adherence to stereotypical gender norms, as well as sexist and biased notions of what “positive" behaviour for a woman should be. The study highlights common stereotypes about working women, including the perception that women in high positions of authority in the professional world are “bitches” or cold. The researcher indicates that these common stereotypes of working women in film also have a negative impact on women attempting to pursue careers in their real lives. Even though women are currently completing post-secondary education in greater numbers than men, women are still highly underrepresented within high ranking jobs. It is stated that the social constructions of women and how they should be seen within the family and within the professional world are largely responsible for this. These constructions are reflected back in popular films. Ezzedeen found that professional female characters were often depicted as remarkably successful in their fields, unlike their male counterparts however, their success usually occurs through sacrificing something. Whether it be family, love, or happiness, the professionally successful woman typically has to give up one or more of these things in order to succeed in her professional career; very rarely is she afforded the ability to “have it all”.

The most interesting, and most telling aspect of how women in film are portrayed is by examining them in relation to how women in society are portrayed. Over recent years, studies have shown that men and women in film are now equally seen as spouses/parents, occupational success is roughly equal, and modern women in films frequently display both masculine and feminine character traits (Eschholz, Bufkin, & Long, 2002). However, it is still not seen as socially acceptable for men to display feminine character traits, therefore this is not frequently represented in film. Female characters are still portrayed as significantly younger than males, which can be attributed to the pressure placed on women in society to maintain their “youthful beauty”. The current issues we see with gender representation in film is representative of society as a whole, and so the gender biases that exist in society are simply being reflected within the context of films.

A reoccurring theme displayed in the above studies is that the way we choose to “objectively” look at, rate, categorize, or examine women in film is not really objective at all. The reflections of gender bias within our society affect how research is conducted. The sexist, gender-biased language used in many studies could be avoided. Attempting to look at gender as non-binary and not heteronormative could aid in this area of research being more inclusive and not adhering to the gender norms set out by society.

Overall, the above studies have found that the portrayal of women in film is problematic on many levels. With direct value placed on youthfulness and appearance, the simultaneous depiction of women who work outside the home as “cold” and women who work within the home as “powerless”, and the continued perpetuation of traditional gender roles, it seems that no matter which way it is spun, women simply cannot come out on top. Delving even further into the very structure of the research, however, indicates that the same biases and stereotypes that exist within the social constructions of gender also exist within the research designed to expose it. The combination of sexist language and preexisting stereotypes surrounding the construction of gender have shaped the current research of women in film today.

References

England, D. E., Descartes, L., & Collier-Meek, M. A. (2011). Gender Role Portrayal and the Disney Princesses. Sex Roles, 64(7-8), 555-567.

Eschholz, S., Bufkin, J., & Long, J. (2002). Symbolic Reality Bites: Women and Racial/ethnic Minorities in Modern Film. Sociological Spectrum, 22(3), 299-334.

Ezzedeen, S. R. (2013). The portrayal of professional and managerial women in North American films. Organizational Dynamics, 42(4), 248-256.

Ezzedeen, S. R. (2015). Portrayals of career women in Hollywood films: Implications for the glass ceiling’s persistence. Gender in Management: An International Journal, 30(3), 239-264.

Lauzen, M. M., & Dozier, D. M. (2005). Maintaining the Double Standard: Portrayals of Age and Gender in Popular Films. Sex Roles, 52(7-8), 437-446.

Smith, S. L., Pieper, K. M., Granados, A., & Choueiti, M. (2010). Assessing Gender-Related Portrayals in Top-Grossing G-Rated Films. Sex Roles, 62(11-12), 774-786.

Steinke, J. (2005). Cultural Representations of Gender and Science: Portrayals of Female Scientists and Engineers in Popular Films. Science Communication, 27(1), 27-63.