The Disunited Kingdom

This is the first of two articles on the need for constitutional reform in the UK. The first discusses how over cetralisation of political power fuels various forms of nationalism. The second explores how a federalist political system would deliver real power to the nations, regions and communities of the UK.

The idea of the ‘United’ Kingdom has become a bit of a misnomer. The truth is that we are a divided nation. It is also true that the past seven years have seen a sharp rise in nationalist sentiment ranging from the bombastic (Boris Johnson's appeal to the public to crowd-fund a 'Big Ben Bong for Brexit Day') to the barbaric (the vandalism of the Polish Embassey and the post referendum rise in hate crime). But the thing is, what is meant by ‘nationalism’ differs wildly depending on where about on the British Isles you happen to be standing.

In Scotland, far from settling debate, the independence referendum of 2014 bolstered the Scottish National Party who by 2016 – with all but 3 of Scotland’s 59 MPs – were well placed to capitalise on Scotland’s overwhelming support for membership of the European Union. Building on a narrative that Brexit was contrary to the will of the Scottish people, Nicola Sturgeon has been able to point to England as the anchor to which Scotland is tied. The SNP have been able to argue that the only way forward for Scotland is to take back control as an independent country.

The SNP are nationalists of a different tribe than that of English Conservatism. In their own parliament they find themselves pitted against liberals and social democrats on the issue of Independence, yet in Westminster they are far more likely to vote with these factions on a wide range of policy areas from voting reform to individual rights. This has given rise to the slightly oxymoronic idea that the SNP are ‘progressive nationalists.’

In Wales too, we have seen the stirrings of separatism. Although not as organised as in Scotland, there is now a growing appetite for Welsh independence, this time Brexit cannot be the route cause. Wales voted with England to leave the EU in 2016. Deeper feelings of antipathy towards the Westminster class are at play.

In England it is certainly true that the anti-immigration, anti-internationalist rhetoric of UKIP has been pretty much wholly absorbed by the Conservative Party. The Tories have positioned themselves as the party of English nationalism, hell-bent on getting Brexit – an idea routed in nationalistic exceptionalism – done. Despite government rhetoric about ‘levelling up’ the regions of England, regional inequality is still keenly felt and has been compounded by disparities in the government's handling of the pandemic.

It is easy to how reinvigorated regional separatist movements – which have always existed, from the Yorkshire Party to Mebyon Kernow – could pick up traction against the backdrop of an uncaring, Westminster-centric Conservative government, which continues to view the provinces as alien curiosities. But these factions – including the newly formed 'Northern Independence Party' and George Galloway’s latest personality cult, ‘The Workers Party’ – tend to come from the hard left of the English spectrum. Perversely then, it is therefore more likely that the Tories will continue as the chief beneficiaries of their own neglect of regional England. This is of particular concern in the North. At the time of writing, Labour look set to lose yet another northern ‘red wall’ seat to the Conservatives in Batley and Spen. The shock Liberal Democrat gain of Chesham and Amersham last month has, at least, provided a progressive road map in the south of the county, although anyone who thinks the Lib Dems can singlehandedly relieve Johnson of his majority is in for a rude awakening at the next election.

Politically, the United Kingdom has never been more divided. It is now the norm that elections are fought on regional issues. The question of independence dominates every contest in Scotland. Regional battlegrounds are now opening up in England. In Wales there is a growing appetite for self-determination or, at least, greater devolution. Northern Ireland has long since had a party-political system entirely of its own. The pandemic has shown us that localised decision-making power can literally be a matter of life and death and that, in a crisis, regional agility is king. Despite these realities, we are stuck with a political settlement in which power is still overly centralised in London.

The parties that represent nationalist ideas across the nations and regions of the UK vary greatly on ideological grounds, from social conservatives to democratic socialists. One thing that unites them all is the idea that they are taken for granted by an elite political class based in London.

We must therefore pursue a new democratic settlement that pulls power away from Westminster and places it in the heart of every region, every community, and every individual.