Why the Sahel’s Military Governments Have Escalated Tensions With Mauritania, Benin, and Côte d’Ivoire

As the rainy season transforms the parched landscapes of the Sahel, political tensions are rising just as rapidly as the floodwaters. While seasonal rains briefly soften the region's harsh terrain, they cannot wash away years of conflict, instability, and geopolitical rivalry that have defined the central Sahel for more than two decades.

This year, however, the turbulence extends well beyond the battlefield. The military-led governments of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have intensified accusations against several neighboring countries—particularly Mauritania, Benin, and Côte d’Ivoire—while continuing to blame France, their former colonial ruler, for allegedly undermining regional stability. The diplomatic climate has become increasingly volatile as international attention also grows, fueled by reports that the United States could consider military operations targeting extremist strongholds in Mali in an effort to weaken Jama'at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State's regional affiliate.

Against this backdrop of expanding insecurity, relations between the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) and neighboring governments have deteriorated sharply. Diplomatic language occasionally masks the severity of the crisis, but underlying mistrust continues to deepen.

Côte d’Ivoire Remains the Military Governments’ Primary Regional Rival

Among the three AES members, Côte d’Ivoire has long been viewed as the principal regional adversary. The military authorities in Bamako, Ouagadougou, and Niamey frequently portray Abidjan as France’s closest regional ally and accuse it of serving Western strategic interests at the expense of the Sahelian governments.

Burkina Faso has repeatedly alleged that Côte d’Ivoire provides sanctuary to political opponents and armed groups seeking to overthrow Captain Ibrahim Traoré’s military administration. Mali has adopted an equally confrontational stance. In one of the most significant diplomatic crises between the two countries, Malian authorities arrested 49 Ivorian soldiers, accusing them of espionage. The dispute triggered months of reciprocal tensions, including arrests and diplomatic negotiations before the crisis was eventually defused.

These incidents reflect a broader geopolitical divide rather than isolated disputes. The Sahel's military governments have strengthened ties with Russia while distancing themselves from traditional Western partners. Côte d’Ivoire, meanwhile, has positioned itself as one of France’s most reliable security partners in the Gulf of Guinea.

Abidjan recently hosted the joint "Touraco" military exercises alongside French forces, describing the drills as part of efforts to strengthen national defense capabilities and counterterrorism preparedness.

Despite the political hostility, Côte d’Ivoire cannot entirely disengage from its northern neighbors. Geography and economics continue to bind the countries together, forcing Abidjan to balance security partnerships with practical regional cooperation.

Three major factors continue to shape Côte d’Ivoire’s calculations.

First, the refugee crisis has placed growing pressure on national resources. Tens of thousands of displaced people from the Sahel have crossed into Côte d’Ivoire, while authorities remain concerned that extremist networks could infiltrate refugee movements, particularly along the northern border.

Second, economic interdependence remains significant despite political disagreements. Earlier this year, Côte d’Ivoire approved a $235 million financing agreement to improve the regional transport corridor linking Abidjan with Ouagadougou and Bamako. The project is expected to facilitate trade between countries whose political relations remain strained.

Finally, recent accusations from Niger threaten diplomatic efforts aimed at easing tensions. After months of cautious engagement and signals of possible security cooperation, Niamey once again accused neighboring states of facilitating hostile activities, undermining recent attempts at reconciliation.

Benin and Niger Face a Crisis Beyond Border Politics

Relations between Benin and Niger have become one of the most contentious issues in West Africa.

Although both governments have recently shown signs of reopening dialogue after months of border closures, fresh accusations from Niger's military ruler, General Abdourahamane Tiani, risk reversing any progress.

Tiani alleged that some of the armed groups responsible for coordinated attacks against Malian cities on April 25 entered through Beninese territory, a claim that further inflamed already fragile relations.

Despite these accusations, negotiations between the two neighbors have continued, albeit under demanding conditions.

Niamey has outlined several key requirements for restoring full relations. The military government wants a bilateral defense agreement guaranteeing mutual non-aggression while prohibiting either country from allowing its territory to be used for attacks against the other. Niger has also demanded the withdrawal of foreign military forces stationed near the border, an apparent reference to the French military presence in Benin.

Another sticking point concerns legal proceedings linked to the multi-billion-dollar Niger-Benin oil pipeline. The project stretches approximately 2,000 kilometers from the Agadem oil fields in eastern Niger to the Atlantic export terminal at Sèmè-Kpodji in Benin. Valued at around $4.5 billion, the pipeline is expected to increase Niger's crude oil production by roughly 90,000 barrels per day, raising national output above 110,000 barrels daily.

Niamey has additionally called for the release or reduction of judicial measures affecting Nigerien officials involved in disputes surrounding the project.

The military leadership also continues accusing neighboring countries—including Benin, Côte d’Ivoire, and now Mauritania—of sheltering armed groups allegedly working alongside France to destabilize the Alliance of Sahel States.

While customs agreements and trade arrangements have recently offered modest hope for normalization, growing diplomatic hostility threatens to overshadow those economic gains.

Mauritania Emerges as an Unexpected Target

Mauritania had largely remained outside the escalating diplomatic confrontation until General Tiani publicly included it among the countries allegedly used by militants involved in the April attacks against Malian cities.

Although he provided no detailed evidence, the statement immediately heightened tensions between Nouakchott and Bamako, adding another layer of complexity to already difficult relations.

Several longstanding disputes explain the growing mistrust.

One of the most sensitive issues concerns the deaths of Mauritanian civilians inside Mali. Over recent years, dozens of Mauritanian nationals have reportedly been killed during operations conducted by the Malian army and Russian Wagner-linked forces. Mauritania has repeatedly called for greater protection of its citizens while tightening entry and residency regulations for Malian nationals crossing its borders.

Security strategies also differ sharply. Unlike its Sahelian neighbors, Mauritania adopted a policy combining security operations with dialogue involving former Islamist militants. The country has avoided major terrorist attacks on its territory for more than 16 years, while violence continues to spread across Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger.

Foreign policy represents another significant point of divergence. Mauritania maintains strong relations with France, the United States, and NATO. President Mohamed Ould Cheikh El Ghazouani has strengthened ties with Western partners, making Mauritania one of the region's remaining strategic allies for Europe and Washington as Russian influence expands across the Sahel.

Social dynamics further complicate the situation. Mauritania shares close ethnic and tribal links with several communities living across the Sahel, particularly Arab and Fulani populations that increasingly find themselves caught between military operations and insurgent violence.

At the same time, Nouakchott hosts more than 300,000 refugees, most of them fleeing conflict in Mali, while additional displaced people continue arriving from across the wider Sahel. The humanitarian burden has intensified pressure on a country already facing serious economic constraints.

Mauritania also remains an essential commercial gateway for landlocked Sahelian states. The Port of Nouakchott serves as a crucial trade route for Mali and neighboring countries. Yet commercial exchanges have declined significantly following tighter border controls and Mauritania's efforts to curb fuel and food smuggling.

A Regional Divide That Continues to Widen

The latest accusations from Niger illustrate how rapidly political fractures are expanding across West Africa. What were once primarily security disputes have evolved into broader geopolitical rivalries involving competing international alliances, economic interests, migration pressures, and regional influence.

Although Mauritania has largely avoided publicly responding to the latest allegations, the silence does not necessarily indicate improving relations. Instead, it reflects a diplomatic standoff in which mistrust continues to deepen beneath the surface.

As the military governments of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger consolidate their Alliance of Sahel States while strengthening ties with Russia, neighboring countries increasingly find themselves balancing national security, economic necessity, and strategic partnerships with Western allies.

For now, the widening gap between the Sahel's military-led governments and several of their closest neighbors suggests that regional tensions are unlikely to ease anytime soon. Instead, diplomacy appears increasingly overshadowed by mutual suspicion, competing alliances, and the persistent instability that continues to reshape the political landscape of the Sahel.