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Vladyslav Novikov on Alabuga Polytech, Russian Drone Recruitment, and the AlabugaCase Investigation

How did Vladyslav Novikov uncover and document Alabuga Polytech’s online recruitment network linked to Russian drone production?

By Scott Douglas JacobsenPublished 5 months ago • 6 min read

Vladyslav Novikov is a Ukrainian journalist, investigator, and broadcaster with 24 Channel whose work focuses on open-source intelligence, digital evidence preservation, and Russian information operations. He is the creator of the Alabuga Case Archive, a project documenting the online promotion and recruitment activities of Alabuga Polytech, an institution linked to Russia’s drone-production ecosystem. Through large-scale analysis of social media content, archived videos, and promotional networks, Novikov examines sanctions loopholes, propaganda, and wartime recruitment.

In this interview, Scott Douglas Jacobsen speaks with Vladyslav Novikov, a Ukrainian journalist and creator of the Alabuga Case Archive, about his investigation into Alabuga Polytech and its alleged role in recruiting young people for Russia’s drone-production ecosystem. Novikov discusses how he uncovered a vast online promotional network spanning YouTube and Twitch, the challenges of preserving disappearing evidence, sanctions loopholes, open-source intelligence methods, Russian disinformation, and the broader implications for Ukraine, Western democracies, and wartime accountability.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen: Alabuga Polytech. How old is this institution? How far does this story go now?

Vladyslav Novikov: This story begins with the Alabuga Special Economic Zone, near Yelabuga in the Republic of Tatarstan, Russia. It is a designated industrial and economic zone.

The United States, the European Union, and the United Kingdom have sanctioned the Alabuga Special Economic Zone. However, not every entity, factory, or institution connected to the zone is automatically sanctioned. Russia has exploited this loophole. Within the zone, there is drone production associated with Shahed- and Geran-type attack drones. Nearby, there is Alabuga Polytech.

They present Alabuga Polytech as an educational opportunity for young Russians, but many people in Russia understand what it actually is. It is not only about education. It is also about military recruitment and labour for drone production. They recruit young people, train them in skills connected to manufacturing attack drones such as Shaheds and Gerans, and then place them in factories where those drones are produced. Those drones are then used to attack Ukraine.

This is one aspect of the problem, but it is not the only one. There are several dimensions to this story.

Jacobsen: How is Alabuga Polytech promoted?

Novikov: It is promoted on Western platforms such as YouTube and Twitch. When platforms attempt to restrict or remove this content, the organizers argue that it is merely an educational project. They claim that they are simply teaching and training young people. Because of that educational framing, platforms often hesitate to take action.

Russia has used this loophole since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022 and continues to use it today.

The Alabuga web archive that I created documents these cases. Russian bloggers became concerned after Twitch banned certain related content, and many of them returned to YouTube and deleted videos containing these advertisements. Some removed only the relevant segments, while others deleted entire videos.

For us, this created a major problem. If we approach sanctions authorities and explain that a recruitment network was operating on U.S.-based platforms, investigators may search for evidence and find nothing because the content has already been removed.

That is why I created the archive. I downloaded more than 400 examples from YouTube, built the website, and preserved the evidence.

My primary objective is to have Alabuga Polytech added to international sanctions lists. If that happens, recruitment campaigns on Western platforms such as YouTube can be stopped more effectively. Adding Alabuga Polytech to sanctions lists would help close this loophole. That is my goal.

Jacobsen: What were some of the most interesting findings from your research beyond the obvious ones? One clear finding is that some individuals in Russia attend this institution knowing it is connected to drone production rather than to education alone. That much seems relatively apparent.

What were some of the less obvious discoveries? How did you first uncover this story, and what important findings emerged during the investigation that were not evident at the outset but became clear as your research progressed?

Novikov: This story is quite long, and I can tell you that I found it almost by accident.

I was interested in Twitch. Alabuga Polytech sponsored a Twitch tournament. I thought, "Okay, what is this? It sounds strange." I started researching it. I looked into what kind of educational institution it was and found some Ukrainian studies on it.

Then I discovered that it was connected to Shahed drone production. I thought, "Okay, that is interesting."

At first, I wanted to make a simple story about Twitch. Why was Twitch allowing this organization to sponsor tournaments? But then I discovered that it was much bigger than Twitch. There were hundreds of YouTube videos, many bloggers, many streamers, and a large advertising network promoting Alabuga Polytech.

One of the most surprising findings was the scale. At the beginning, I thought I would find a few examples. Instead, I found hundreds of videos and hundreds of millions of views connected to content promoting Alabuga Polytech.

Another unexpected finding was how openly many bloggers discussed it. They did not try to hide what Alabuga Polytech was. Some openly talked about drone production, military technologies, and employment opportunities connected to the project.

I also found that many videos were designed to look like ordinary educational or career content. They focused on student life, salaries, housing, opportunities, and career development. Someone watching the videos without additional context might see them as standard recruitment materials rather than content connected to military-industrial production.

Another important discovery was how quickly evidence began disappearing once attention increased. After Twitch took action against some related content, many creators started deleting videos or removing segments that mentioned Alabuga Polytech. That was one of the reasons I realized that preserving the evidence was becoming urgent.

I also learned that the issue was not limited to a single platform. YouTube was the largest source of material I found, but the promotional ecosystem extended across multiple online platforms and communities.

What surprised me most was how effectively the educational narrative functioned as protection. Whenever questions were raised, supporters could point to classrooms, training programs, student activities, and educational branding. That made it much more difficult for platforms and regulators to respond, even when there were documented links to drone production.

At the start of the investigation, I thought I was researching a sponsorship issue on Twitch. By the end, I realized I was documenting a large-scale recruitment and promotional network connected to a strategic sector of Russia's military-industrial complex.

Jacobsen: Have you done any prior research on polytechnic institutions before this investigation?

Novikov: Yes. I looked into the history of the factory and industrial facilities connected to this area. Some of these facilities operated during the Soviet era and continued to exist after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

From what I found, many of these industrial assets were in decline before the war. Russia did not appear to have a clear strategy for using them effectively. Then, after the full-scale invasion began, there was renewed interest in these facilities. The authorities recognized that they had this industrial infrastructure and special economic zone available and began investing in them again, thereby giving them new strategic importance.

That may not fully answer your question, but that is the historical context as I understand it.

Jacobsen: Thank you very much for the opportunity and your time, Vladyslav.

Scott Douglas Jacobsen is a blogger on Vocal with more than 200 publications on the platform. He is the Founder and Publisher of In-Sight Publishing (ISBN: 978–1–0692343; 978–1–0673505) and Editor-in-Chief of In-Sight: Interviews (ISSN: 2369–6885). He writes for International Policy Digest (ISSN: 2332–9416), The Humanist (Print: ISSN, 0018–7399; Online: ISSN, 2163–3576), Basic Income Earth Network (UK Registered Charity 1177066), Humanist Perspectives (ISSN: 1719–6337), A Further Inquiry (SubStack), Vocal, Medium, The Good Men Project, The New Enlightenment Project, The Washington Outsider, rabble.ca, and other media. His bibliography index can be found via the Jacobsen Bank at In-Sight Publishing, comprising more than 10,000 articles, interviews, and republications across more than 200 outlets. He has served in national and international leadership roles within humanist and media organizations, held several academic fellowships, and currently serves on several boards. He is a member in good standing in numerous media organizations, including the Canadian Association of Journalists, PEN Canada (CRA: 88916 2541 RR0001), Reporters Without Borders (SIREN: 343 684 221/SIRET: 343 684 221 00041/EIN: 20–0708028), and others.

Image Credit: Vladyslav Novikov.

interview

About the Creator

Scott Douglas Jacobsen

Scott Douglas Jacobsen is the publisher of In-Sight Publishing (ISBN: 978-1-0692343) and Editor-in-Chief of In-Sight: Interviews (ISSN: 2369-6885). He is a member in good standing of numerous media organizations.

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    Written by Scott Douglas Jacobsen